Throughout the colonial period the territory of Vermont was claimed by both New Hampshire and New York. On January 15, 1777, six months after the original thirteen colonies declared their independence from England, Vermont proclaimed itself to be an independent republic and remained so until admitted to the union as the fourteenth state on March 4, 1791. The Republic of Vermont became the first American local government to authorize and establish a mint to produce coins. On June 10, 1785 the House of Representatives of the Freemen of Vermont appointed a three member committee to study a petition from Reuben Harmon, Jr. requesting that he be allowed to mint copper coins, a fourth committee member was added from the upper chamber known as the Governor's Council. Five days later, on June 15th the committee presented an act to the legislature that would grant Harmon an exclusive two year right to mint coppers within the Republic starting July 1, 1785. It was stipulated the coppers had to weigh one third of an ounce troy weight (160 grains) and that they would contain designs and mottos approved by the committee. Harmon was also required to post a bond of £5,000. On that same day, the act was read and approved by the House and sent up and to the Council where the members voted to concur with the House, approving the measure into law. Interestingly, although Vermont was an independent republic, the legislature continually referred to itself as a state in their legislation, hence the act says Harmon was granted "...the exclusive right of coining Copper within this State for the term of two years...".
The day after Harmon's coining petition was granted, June 16, 1785, he posted the required bond and presumably began setting up his mint in Rupert, Vermont. The first location of the mint was on the north side of Millbrook Stream. In the mid 1850's Charles Bushnell sent letters inquiring about information on several confederation era mints. At that time some elderly local residents remembered these mints in operation during their youth. In a response from B.H. Hall, written March 3, 1855, the following information was given about the first site of Harmon's Vermont mint:
His Mint House was located near the north-east corner of Rupert, a little east of the main road leading from Dorset to Pawlet, on a small stream of water called Millbrook, which empties into Pawlet River. It was a small building, about 16 by 18 feet, made of rough materials, sided with unplaned and unpainted boards. (Crosby, p. 188)
Reuben Harmon, Jr. had come to Vermont from Suffield, Connecticut around 1768. He became a prominent member of the community and served in various official capacities. He was Rupert's representative to the Vermont legislature during 1780 and was a Justice of the Peace for the town from 1780-1790. Harmon was also an entrepreneur and a businessman. He owned a supply of copper, acquired a press and had land suitable for a mint site, but he was not skilled in diemaking and therefore needed to subcontract this critically important task. Harmon selected the New York silversmith firm of Daniel Van Voorhis and William Coley of 27 Hanover Square in New York City. The firm had opened in December of 1784 as a partnership between Coley and Van Voorhis with Albion Cox and Simeon Bayley. Cox, who was an assayer, left the business in April of 1785 soon thereafter forming a partnership with Thomas Goadsby and Walter Mould to mint copper coins for New Jersey. Bayley also soon left the firm in July of 1785. Apparently there was a disagreement between Cox and Bayley for later in the year they were involved in litigation against each other in the New York City Mayor's Court. The diecutting for the Vermont coppers probably began after Harmon's coining petition had been granted in June 1785, most likely when Coley and Van Voorhis were the only remaining partners. It is generally thought the dies were the work of William Coley, as he later moved from New York to Vermont to work at the Rupert mint. Not long after minting began it was realized the Vermont coppers were much heavier than coppers circulating in America. Therefore, on October 27, 1785 the coining act was amended reducing the authorized weight of the coin to four pennyweight fifteen grains (111 grains), similar to the Constellatio Nova and other coppers of the period.
The initial coin design produced during 1785 and into 1786 had a obverse displaying the sun rising over the Green Mountains with a plow in the foreground and one of three variations of the motto "RES PUBLICA VERMONTENSIUM" (The Republic of Vermont); these coppers are frequently referred to as the landscape, plow or Green Mountain varieties. The reverse, copied from the Constellatio Nova coppers, displayed a central all seeing Eye of Providence emanating rays and surrounded by thirteen stars with the motto STELLA QUARTA DECIMA (The Fourteenth Star); a reference to Vermont's desire to become the fourteenth state in the American Confederation.
In 1920 Hillyer Ryder published a guide to Vermont coppers explaining the distinctive features and assigning numbers to each variety . This list was expanded in 1947 by John Richardson, so the numbering system is now know as the Ryder-Richardson or RR number. In 1976 Kenneth Bressett published the most recent variety catalog, assigning a number to each obverse and a letter to each reverse die. Bressett has described all known combinations of these dies and constructed an emission sequence. In the following both the Bressett die numbers and the Ryder-Richardson variety numbers are given. At the end of this introduction are four charts illustrating the relationships of all Vermont obverse and reverse dies. These charts were provided by Jim Spilman from the Richard Picker Photofiles at The Colonial Newsletter Foundation.
Three varieties bear the date 1785, the first and second varieties (Bressett 1-A and 2-B, which are RR 2 and 3) use the abbreviation VERMONS. in the obverse legend while the third variety uses VERMONTIS. (Bressett 3 C, RR 4). The reverse of all three of these 1785 dated issues copied what is known as the bifurcated, clubbed or blunt ray Constellatio Nova variety. In this variety alternating long and short rays emanate from the central Eye of Providence with a star at the end of each short ray. In all there are thirteen long rays and thirteen short rays with stars. Three additional landscape varieties carry the date 1786 (Bressett 4-D, 5-E and 6-E, RR 6, 7 and 8), all three use the full form VERMONTENSIUM in the obverse motto and use the pointed ray Constellatio Nova copper variety as the model for the reverse. In this style there are thirteen clusters of rays emanating from the eye, with each cluster ending in a fine point. Between each cluster there is a star, thirteen in all, but unlike the bifurcated variety, there are no short rays accompanying the stars.
For the first four issues (Bressett 1-A through 4-D) the dies were aligned so that both sides were at the 12:00 o'clock position (a reverse of 360°) as is usual for medals; in most other Vermont varieties (except Bressett 7-F, RR 9 and varieties from Machin's Mills) the alignment is often close to the usual coin orientation of 12:00 o'clock for the obverse and 6:00 o'clock for the reverse (that is, a reverse of 180°). The landscape series was well received as is evident from a contemporary article in the Boston newspaper The Massachusetts Centinel announcing the arrival of the coin in New England. The April 14, 1787 issue, repeating a story from Providence, Rhode Island dated March 8th, described the obverse and reverse of the coin and concluded: "The coinage is well executed; and the Device is sentimental, ingenious, and beautiful."
On October 23, 1786 Reuben Harmon petitioned the legislature for a ten year extension of his minting privilege, which was to expire in eight months at the end of June. On the day the petition was submitted a committee was formed to investigate the matter. Apparently discussions had already been underway, for on the next day, October 24th, the committee presented its report which was read and approved by the legislature. The legislature then asked Harmon to present a bill in accordance with the report. Apparently such a bill had already been prepared, for it was presented and voted to be accepted on that same day, October 24, 1786. Either discussions had taken place earlier, or, as sometimes happened in colonial times, all documents were backdated to the date of inception or the date of the opening of that legislative session. According to the new agreement Harmon was to have the exclusive right to coin coppers in Vermont for eight years from July 1, 1787. The designs on the coin were radically changed. The obverse was to display a bust with an abridgment of the motto AUCTORITATE VERMONTENSIUM (By the authority of Vermont) while the reverse was to depict a seated woman, and the motto INDE: ET: LIB: (Independence and Liberty). I have quoted the mottos exactly as they are found in the act for it seems the obverse of the Vermont coins have usually been transcribed starting with the abbreviation for Vermontensium which appears to the left of the bust. Although this is the usual starting point for coin legends it is clearly not the starting point for the legend on Vermont coppers. The legend should be read from the right side then continue to the left, thus giving the same word order as is in the act. This is also the word order for the phrase as it is found on Connecticut coppers (AUCTORI. CONNEC), however on Connecticut coppers the legend begins in its more usual position on the left. The reverse motto was also taken from the Connecticut coppers. In addition to the new coin designs the renewal act also stated Harmon would have his coining privileges duty free for the first three years of the new agreement; this was done so Harmon could recover costs associated with the construction of the mint and the purchase of minting equipment. However, after the first three years he would be required to pay "[the] State, two and one half per cent, of all the coppers he shall coin for and during the remainder of the aforesaid term of eight years." The bond remained the same as in the first contract, which Harmon posted on February 23, 1787.
It has often been suggested the Vermont designs were changed so the coins would more closely resemble the familiar British copper halfpenny and therefore be more readily accepted by the public, both in Vermont and in the surrounding areas. However this theory has recently been challenged by Roy Bonjour. The weakness of the halfpenny replica argument is that the Massachusetts and New Jersey coppers, as well as other circulating coppers, as the Constellatio Nova coppers were accepted although they bore no resemblance to British coppers. Further, contemporary accounts were favorable to the landscape design. Additionally, at that time the new nation was being flooded with unwanted lightweight counterfeit British halfpence and it seems easily distinguished alternative coppers would be desired. Although there is no documentary evidence as to who requested the design change or for what reason the change was made, Bonjour has put forward a theory to explain these events. He suspected the design change was made at the request of Harmon. Bonjour suspected Harmon requested the design change so the coins would resemble Connecticut coppers (which were quite similar to British halfpence). In fact, except for the substitution of the word "Vermont" for "Connecticut", in the obverse legend, the description of the images and legends as stated in the Vermont act were exactly the same as were found on the Connecticut coppers. It is thought this imitation of Connecticut coppers was done in the hopes of obtaining either hubs, punches, dies or some kind of cooperative relationship with the Connecticut diemaker Abel Buell.
The first Vermont copper to be made using the new designs is taken to be the " Baby Head" variety (Bressett 7-F, RR 9). It is generally thought Harmon contacted Coley in New York requesting a die depicting the new coin designs. Coley took a Connecticut copper from circulation to use as a model. It is suspected Coley used a 1786 bust left counterfeit Connecticut copper (Miller, 1786, 3-D). This counterfeit has often been attributed to James Atlee, while he was still in New York City, although that attribution has been recently questioned (see the section on James Atlee for additional details). The "Baby Head" variety imitates the 1786 Miller 3-D in every way. They both have distinctive oversized heads facing to the right. It is from this feature that the name of the Vermont variety derives, because, like an infant, the head is much larger and out of proportion to the neck and shoulders. Also, the legends are in the same position; this is the only Vermont copper to have an obverse legend with "AUCTORI" on the left side and the "VERMON" on the right (Auctori is always on the left on Connecticut coppers). The letter punches used on the Baby Head variety are the same as those found on the landscape varieties so, although the work is a somewhat crude imitation, it is attributed to the same craftsman who created the beautifully detailed earlier landscape dies, namely William Coley.
In comparison to other Confederation era mints, the production levels at Vermont were low, especially during the period of the landscape coppers. The theory is that Coley was not able to supply an adequate quantity of dies to Harmon. When a die broke Harmon did not have additional dies available and so he had to cut back on production until more dies arrived. In addition to the problem in obtaining dies, it is thought Harmon knew Coley and Daniel Van Voorhis were planning to submit a petition to the New York legislature in the hopes of being awarded the rights to produce coppers for the State of New York. The unsuccessful Coley-Van Voorhis petition was filed early the next year on February 16, 1787. It is thought in 1786 Harmon needed additional dies and realized he might loose Coley so he sought the assistance of Abel Buell, the Connecticut copper diemaker.
The connection between Abel Buell and Reuben Harmon has been surmised from information given to a man named B.H. Hall by Buell's grandson, Abel Buell Moore, that was then related by Hall to the numismatist Charles Bushnell in a letter of July 18, 1855. According to the letter Abel Buell's son William (then about 14 years old) was bringing home a jug of nitric acid (at the time known as aqua fortis or strong water) from a local drug store. Apparently some Indians took the jug from him and, assuming it contained rum, drank some of the contents. The Indians soon died and William was accused of killing them. The letter also stated William then fled to Rupert, Vermont taking some of "the original dies used by his father at New Haven." The letter implies the dies were from the "Sun dial" or Fugio series rather than the Connecticut coppers and that William actually assisted Harmon at the Vermont mint. It should be noted this letter does not recollect first hand experience from the author's youth but is a retelling of family stories about his uncle. The person relating the stories, Abel Moore, probably did know his uncle William, as they both lived in Vermont and his uncle had most likely lived with his parents at the time these events took place, thus he is not far removed from the source. However, these events either predate Abel Moore's birth or occurred during his infancy so his account is dependent on what others told him. Beyond this letter we know William's half sister Mary (Abel Buell's daughter from his first marriage) had married Grove Moore and was living in East Rupert, Vermont at the time (Abel Buell Moore was Mary's son). Also, three varieties of Vermont coppers exist that use a bust facing left obverse portrait which is quite similar to the bust left use on some Connecticut coppers. It is suspected the Vermont coins were were minted from dies that had been made using some reworked central device punches which had previously been used to produce dies for Connecticut coppers.
It is suspected Harmon believed Abel Buell could assist him with die production. Harmon may have heard Buell had invented a tool now called a"complex or common hub." This tool combined both the central device punch and the letter punches into a single unit so dies could be punched out faster and easier. Harmon may have hoped Buell could supply him with this tool, or, he may not have know of this invention and just hoped Buell could supply him with punches or dies. It is generally thought sometime in late 1786 Abel Buell's son, William, went to Rupert, Vermont and brought some of his father's used 1786 Connecticut punches. What is interesting is that the punches were for the bust facing left variety. Buell had used a bust facing right through much of 1785 and only adopted the bust left late in the year. As related in the Connecticut section it is often thought Buell's use of bust facing left coincided with the invention of the complex hub. As the bust on these Vermont issues was facing left, it is often assumed William brought complete complex hubs with him from Connecticut, which were then ground down so that only the central images and date were used. Others have postulated the tools were standard device punches for the obverse and reverse images.
Apparently William Buell stayed with his half sister Mary who lived near the Rupert mint. There is no record of William working at the mint, however he may have assisted there. Apparently he did do jobs for Reuben Harmon for the only record of William in Rupert, Vermont is a land survey he filed on June 30, 1788, in which he surveyed seventeen acres of land for Harmon.
Meanwhile, William Coley must have realized his New York coinage proposal was not as strong as those of Thomas Machin or Ephraim Brasher and John Bailey, the major contenders for the New York contract. In March of 1787 Coley moved from New York to Rupert, Vermont to become an on site partner in the mint. It seems more probable that Coley, rather than the teenage William Buell, produced the dies made with the punches supplied by Buell. According to Spilman (quoted in Mossman, p. 184) the central images on the Connecticut punches were altered by grinding them down. The obverse bust was shortened by grinding off some hair from the top of the head, literally giving the bust a haircut. Spilman also suspected the punches were complex hubs and so believed all the lettering and border details were ground down. The individual dies were then letter punched with the Vermont legend of "VERMON" to the left and "AUCTORI" to the right (which is opposite of the Connecticut word order). Spilman also suspected the reverse Connecticut punches used to produce Vermont dies also retained the date.
In all two different obverse dies (both bust facing left) and three reverse dies were created using these Connecticut punches. Both obverse dies (Bressett 8 and 9) were used on 1786 dated coppers (Bressett 8-G and 9-H, RR 10 and 11), while obverse 9 was also combined with a 1787 dated reverse (Bressett 9-I, RR 15). However, the 9-I die combination seem to have broken down rather quickly for only ten to twelve examples survive. From those few examples we know the reverse die suffered a massive die crack in the exergue area almost completely obliterating the date. We also know the designs on these three Vermont varieties are weak lacking details. This was a problem Abel Buell regularly encountered with his complex hubs in Connecticut. Buell was forced to regularly strengthen the impressed image by performing some hand engraving on each die. Apparently this was rather time consuming and may be the reason Buell abandon the complex hub after 1786.
Based on the few Vermont examples and the poor quality of those specemins that survive, it seems the reused Connecticut hubs did not work out as well as hoped. Although this experiment did not solve the diemaking problem for the Vermont mint, Coley soon realized he had made the right decision in moving to Vermont because on April 18, 1787 the New York Assembly rejected all the coining petitions. We also know that on April 21, 1787 the Continental Congress passed a resolution to contract for a federal copper coinage (the fugio cent) and that Abel Buell joined James Jarvis in pursuing the contract, which was eventually awarded to Jarvis over his rival Matthias Ogden of New Jersey. Apparently with the prospect of being part of a major national coining contract Buell lost interest in the Vermont enterprise.
Having lost Buell, Harmon and Coley needed to find diemaking assistance elsewhere. They took advantage of the situation in the New York, where the partnership formed by Thomas Machin to coin New York coppers now had a minting site in upper New York state, a group of financial backers and a diemaker but no coining contract. On June 7, 1787 a joint stock company for the coining of Vermont coppers was formed through an indenture between ten parties. Reuben Harmon and William Coley were to be equal copartners in the running and management of the mint in Rupert along with two other copartners, Daniel Van Voorhis of New York City and Elias Jackson of Litchfield, Connecticut. By the first day of the next July (presumably a year away) these partners were to put up the capital to complete the erection of the Rupert mint. This presumably referred to the second or relocated site of the mint, mentioned by B.H. Hall in a June 4, 1856 letter to Bushnell, stating the mint was, "removed to and placed on the eastern bank of [the] Pawlet River, in the same town [i.e. Rupert]."
In the June 7th indenture these four "Reuben Vermont" investors merged with a group of six investors that on April 18th had formed the Machin's Mills partnership to mint coppers. The Machin's Mills group included the owner of the New York coining facility, Thomas Machin of Newburgh, New York, along with the diemaker, James Atlee, his father Samuel Atlee and the financial and legal partners of the Machin coining enterprise, David Brooks, James Grier and James Giles, all of New York City. The Machin group was to put up £600 and all ten partners were to equally split the profits from the minting of coppers. In summary, by this indenture the four Vermont coining partners gave up 60% of their company to the Machin's group in return for 40% of the profits from the Machin's Mills operation (which, at the time, had no other coining contracts); they also received £600 in cash from the Machin partnership.
Although not specified in the indenture it is thought the Vermont group also felt they would be able to avail themselves of the services of the Machin partnership diemaker James Atlee. This is speculative, in that James Atlee's role as a diemaker is the subject of debate. It appears Atlee was indeed a diemaker but the numerous dies attributed to him, based the use of a broken A letter punch, have recently been seriously questioned. However, it does seem Atlee had a close association with the Rupert mint, not only as a copartner but also through his father, Samuel Atlee (and Samuel's new bride Phebe), who moved from New York City to Rupert, Vermont. We do not know when Samuel arrived in Vermont, but he did sign a document as a legal witness to a land purchase made by William Coley on January 23, 1788. Coley had purchased a large farm near the mint soon after arriving in Rupert in March of 1787. In the January 23, 1788 land purchase, Coley acquired an additional acre that adjoined his farm. According to the deed this additional parcel also contained a house. It is thought Coley may have rented Atlee the home on this land while Atlee was associated with at the mint. At some point Samuel left Rupert, probably after July 1788 as there is a registry entry for a July 4, 1788 deed witnessed by an otherwise unknown Jarid Atlee. Possibly this is a mistranscription by the city registrar from the original signed document, as Samuel's usual signature was the abbreviated form "Saml Atlee." If so it would confirm his presence in Rupert until at least July 1788.
It has been suggested by Breen and Bressett that James Atlee produced all of the dies for Vermont coppers beginning in July of 1787. This includes dies for sixteen varieties of Bust right coppers minted in Vermont and at least eight varieties of Vermont coppers minted at Machin's Mills. Whether any of these sixteen Vermont dies were actually produced by Atlee has recently been questioned (see the section on James Atlee for additional details). Currently the problem has not been solved but as the situation unfolds it seems possible Coley may have had a more significant role in the production of the dies used in Vermont than has recently been recognized.
At Thomas Machin's Newburgh mint Atlee seems to have had a major role in the operation. At that site Atlee seems to have made dies used for the minting of legal Vermont coppers as well as producing dies used to mint lightweight imitation British halfpence and illegal Connecticut coppers. Machin's Mills even produced one variety of Vermont copper with Britannia on the reverse (Bressett 17-V, RR 13; see the example below) and later another variety (Bressett 24 U, RR 31) with King George III on the obverse!
On April 20, 1787, the New York legislature announced that after August 1st lightweight coppers under 145.8 grains would not be accepted and any found in circulation would be seized. Naturally people tried to get rid of their lightweight coppers such as the Constellatio Nova coins. With these unwanted coins selling at a discount both Harmon and Machin purchased them in bulk and then simply used the coins as planchets, overstamping them as legal Vermont coppers (as Bressett 11 K, RR 12, which are almost always on Constellatio Nova coppers). In fact, nearly the entire production of 1787 Bust Right Vermont coins were overstrikes. When Harmon's Rupert mint closed in early 1789, the equipment was sent to Machin's Mills where they stamped out more Vermont coppers using counterfeit Irish halfpence as planchets (as Bressett 16-U, RR 25). [For a listing of Vermont overstrikes see Mossman, p. 269.]
In all there were forty die combinations of Vermont coppers. Unfortunately both the metal available for dies, as well as the copper used by the Rupert mint, were of poor quality. This resulted in planchets of varying diameter, thickness and weight. The planchets also frequently had porous or rough surfaces with fissure cracks or voids. This combination of poor dies and poor material resulted in many weak and unevenly struck coins. On top of this many surviving Vermont coppers are well worn. Kenneth Bressett has estimated no more than five thousand Vermont coppers survive.
According to a June 4, 1856 letter from Hall to Bushnell, it was thought Harmon remained in Rupert until 1790, when, in that year or soon thereafter, he moved to Ohio. The mint building remained on the river bank after the business closed. It was later moved to the east side of the main road in Rupert where it was used as a residence by the Goff family. Later it was moved across the street and finally ended up on the farm of William Phelps at the edge of the town of Pawlet where it was blown down during the winter of 1855. Recently, Rob Retz, Jeff Rock and Dick Thies went to Vermont looking for information on the mint. They discovered the remains of a dam at Millbrook Stream which may have been the dam from the original mint site. Also, the retired curator of the Bennington Museum directed them to an old building on a nearby farm which, according to local tradition, is the mint house building. The roof, siding and cement floor dated to the past forty years but the building frame dated to the Eighteenth century. However, a chemical analysis of shavings from the beams for residue from smelting was inconclusive.
Through the Richard Picker Photofiles at The Colonial Newsletter Foundation Jim Spilman has provided copies of the Richard Picker Vermont die charts which were used by Kenneth Bressett. Jim Spilman has added the ligatures showing the various die relationships and I have redistributed the images and added related imitation halfpence from Vlack's plates to display the full interrelated die groupings.
Ryder-Richardson coin designations are listed above the combination while in the lower right is the Bressett obverse number or reverse letter. Vlack imitation halfpence numbers and Miller Connecticut copper numbers are included where appropriate. The charts are presented as clickable 125 dpi jpg images. For fast downloading the upper and lower portions of each chart are also offered seperately.
Table 1 - Bressett 1-9. Full image.
Also available: the top half of the chart containing Bressett 1 - 6 and the bottom half of the chart containing Bressett 7 - 9
Table 2 - Biennial groupings of Bressett 10. Full image. These dies, attributed to James Atlee, include Bressett 11-13.
The top half of the chart containing Bressett 10 - 12, 1787 and the bottom half of the chart containing Bressett 10 and 13, 1788
Table 3 - Bressett 14-16 and 21-25. Full image.
The top half of the chart containing Bressett 14 - 16 and 23 and the bottom half of the chart containing Bressett 21, 22, 24 and 25
Table 4 - Bressett 17-20, 26 and RR-5. Full image.
The top half of the chart containing Bressett 17 and 18 and the bottom half of the chart containing Bressett 19, 20, 26 and RR 5
See: Crosby, pp. 177-202; Mossman, pp. 183-186; Tony Carlotto, The Copper Coins of Vermont and Those Bearing the Vermont Name, Bookcrafters: Chelsea, MI for C-4, Colonial Coin Collectors Club, 1998; Eric Newman, "A Recently Discovered Coin Solves a Vermont Numismatic Enigma," American Numismatic Centennial Publication, ed. by Harald Ingholt, New York: American Numismatic Society, 1958, pp. 531-542; Roy Bonjour, "Vermont Coppers, From Landscape to Bust" The Numismatist vol. 100 (1987) 292-297; Kenneth Bressett, "Vermont Copper Coinage" in Studies on Money in Early America ed. by Eric Newman and Richard Doty, New York: American Numismatic Society, 1976, pp. 173-198; Richardson-Ryder: an extension of Ryder's 1920 listing by John Richardson, "The Copper Coins of Vermont," The Numismatist 5 (1947) 331-354; Rob Retz, Jeff Rock and Dick Thies, "In Search of Reuben Harmon's Vermont Mint and the Original Mint Site," The Colonial Newsletter vol. 36, no. 3 (September 1996) serial no. 103, sequential pp. 1655-1658; on the Coley and Van Voorhis partnership see, Gary A. Trudgen, "Samuel and James F. Atlee: Machin's Mills Partners," The Colonial Newsletter vol. 32, no. 3 (October 1992) serial no. 92, sequential pp. 1318-1352 on p. 1324; and on William Buell see: Gary A. Trudgen, "From Coppers to Buttons or Were Benjamin and Wiliam Buell the Same Person?," The Colonial Newsletter vol. 33, no. 3 (October 1993) serial no. 95, sequential pp. 1389-1393 (by the way, the answer to the question is Benjamin and William were two different sons of Abel); and for bibliography and an appreciation of Vermont coppers, Ronald J. Guth, "The Copper Coinage of Vermont," America's Copper Coinage 1783-1857 Coinage of the America's Conference, 1984, New York; American Numismtic Society, 1985, pp. 90-92.
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